Michelle Bachelet, President of Chile

Women’s participation in positions of power and decision making is a complex process that implies the analysis of several factors, among them: national and local electoral systems that guarantee or limit democratic participation, particularly of traditionally-marginalized groups and sectors, political parties and their mechanisms for citizenship representation; women’s forms and levels of organization, and their incidence in the spaces of political agreement, gender relations and culture that hinder or facilitate women’s participation in decision-making positions (at the institutional and household level); and resistance to the recognition of women as peers and stereotypes linked to the gendered cultural construction of the political parties and male members of local organizations’, who continue to reinforce the lack of credibility in women’s performance and leadership in the political world and the absence of resources and financial support to women’s campaigns.

A 2004 study by the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) on electoral systems and female representation in Latin America , recognizes that the obstacles that limit women’s political participation at the national level, and which also apply to the local level are: the lack of citizenship support for women candidates; the lack of recognition and legitimacy to the participation of women in the public power sphere; the lack of economic resources available to women to run for office; fewer opportunities for women to organize themselves because of the multiple functions they fulfil in the productive, reproductive, and community sphere; women’s inexperience and lack of knowledge of political practices and speech giving capacities; the demands under which they find themselves when occupying a public position and have to demonstrate that they are exceptional; the weak influence of women’s organizations and movement in political parties; the schedules of meetings and the dynamics of public management, which is not often convenient for women; their discredited political image; and finally, the lack of understanding on the part of men and women of gender issues.

Consolidation of women in positions of power and decision-making: In addition to assuring women’s access to decision-making positions, it is also necessary that their permanence in these positions be assured. Various factors explain women’s lack of consolidation in positions of power and their difficult progression towards the highest levels. Women are still not considered to be legitimate political agents, and thus their presence is not considered essential for democracy and they are seen as interchangeable elements whereas men are seen as essential. At the same time, there persists the cultural construction of the public/private dichotomy that makes men and women accept as 'normal' women’s presence in the family scope and men’s presence in the public sphere. Likewise, the norms, ways and times of public political action 'force out' many women as they are adapted to men’s necessities and characteristics.

Another forthcoming and fundamental challenge is the real impact of an increase in women’s participation in decision-making positions. Some studies have noted the positive impact of their presence insofar as favouring changes in institutional structures and processes and in the governance discourse. Increased awareness on women’s issues and interests towards decreasing corruption have been confirmed. In addition, the creation of departments or specialized institutions and legislative reform have been favoured in order to incorporate gender issues as well as the adoption of specific laws. Nevertheless, the studies on this respect are still very incipient and lack suitable methodological tools. Thus, it becomes necessary to deepen the knowledge on this aspect of the impact to reorient strategies and actions from the results of the studies and analysis.

Women’s and the feminist movements: The political and civic participation of women develops in very diverse realms. An extended conception of political participation, that goes beyond the state, allows us to visualize women participating inside and outside of the traditional formal spaces of political exercise/action, political parties and unions, among others. In this regard, women have developed and continue to develop most of their political action in informal political structures, such as Non-Governmental Organizations and the social movements. Moreover, if we understand political action to be all activity where power relations are expressed and managed, then political action cross cuts all spheres of life and also includes women’s daily, “day to day”  political participation.

In an analysis of governance, gender equality, and women’s participation in decision-making positions, it is necessary to consider and to analyze the women’s and feminist movements. This analysis entails the recognition that women’s political action also and mainly takes place outside the traditional formal spheres and that the groups, associations and movements of women and feminists are key actors in the good governance agenda. It is through activism in these spaces that 'women’s voice is built up', that women identify and articulate their interests and promote a women’s agenda  with the state and the political representatives. It is in these spaces where many future elected women begin and acquire the capacities and discourses for their political action.

When speaking of a women’s agenda, some reservations must be maintained with regards to 'the interests of women'. Women do not share homogeneous social needs (practical needs) or homogeneous political interests (strategic needs). From the mid 1980s, voices surged within the women’s and feminist movements warning of the existence of differences between women. Thus, women from different social classes, ages, surroundings, cultures, religions, and sexual orientation rejected the single reference pattern of the classic feminist currents, of the western, white, and middle-class woman. But beyond the recognition and revaluation of the differences, emphasis is placed on the visibility of the multiple discriminations, exclusions and oppressions to which women are exposed to by their multiple identities (based on their age, class, cultural or religious group, national origin, sexual orientation...). The GID approach allows a visualization of women’s diversities but, most of all, it allows a visualization of existing inequalities among them so that they may be overcome . Recognizing this supposes beginning to face the differences and inequalities that occur between women themselves. And from there on, the attainment of pacts among them, necessary for the equitable and egalitarian integration of women in power.

Good governance and gender

Current definitions of good governance, with their different approaches, recognize the different sectors (public, civil society and private sector), levels (local, national and international) and spheres (economic, political and social, among others) . A gender perspective in governance must entail all of these in order to make visible the multiple forms in which unequal power relations are expressed in each one and to take the appropriate measures. This plurality of focus observed in the governance agenda is replicated at the local level where initiatives also respond to different approaches and visions and not all of them incorporate a gender perspective in their vision and action.

In this regard, as Niraja Gomal Jayal indicates, it is necessary to work in several directions :

1. Redefine the governance concept so as to make it gender sensitive and ensure that it includes the private, domestic spheres (of the family).

Traditional governance approaches continue to perpetuate the historical separation between the public and the private spheres that has kept women confined to the domestic reproductive space and men outside, in the space of public activity. This separation has perpetuated women’s exclusion from the traditional sectors of governance in addition to not recognizing the private or domestic sphere, where there are unequal power relations, as a space that must be regulated by public action . new governance concept that is gender sensitive must reformulate its most basic assumptions in order to include spheres and issues previously invisible or avoided. In this regard, subjects that have remained outside the governance agenda because they are considered private, must enter and form part of the political discussion. This is the case of reproductive work that is mainly assured by women; violence against the women; sexual and reproductive rights; etc.